A CHARTER OF HENRY I (1123)

A good illustration of the value of charters for chronological and biographical purposes is afforded by one which Henry I granted to the church of Exeter. It is printed in the Monasticon under Plimpton, to the foundation of which priory it is asserted to have been preliminary. That foundation is assigned to 1121. The charter, however, is also found among those confirmed by Henry VIII (Confirmation Roll, 1 Henry VIII, p. 5, No. 13), with a list of witnesses arranged in correct order; whereas the Monasticon version is taken from the pleadings under Richard II (Coram Rege, Hil. 2 Richard II, Rot. 20, Devon), and records the witnesses in grievous disorder. The explanation of such disorder is that the clerk in the latter case was not familiar with the system on which the attestations to these charters were arranged, the names of the leading witnesses being placed in a line above the others. This will be made evident from the two lists of witnesses:

It is obvious that this charter was granted before the death of the Bishop of Worcester (October 20, 1123), and before the King's departure from England (June 1123). But it must be subsequent to the death of the previous chancellor, Ranulf (Christmas 1122), and to the appointment or consecration (February 1123) of Archbishop William. The narrow limit thus ascertained points to the Easter court of 1123 at Winchester, the great gathering of bishops and earls implying some such occasion. Easter fell that year on April 15th.

Now two sees had fallen vacant at the beginning of the year, those of Lincoln and of Bath. Lincoln was given to Alexander, whether at Easter (Winchester), as stated by Henry of Huntingdon, or in Lent, as asserted by the continuator of Florence; but he was not consecrated till July 22nd. Bath was bestowed on Godfrey, whose consecration did not take place till August 26th, though Henry of Huntingdon assigns his appointment, like that of Alexander, to Easter (Winchester). Both these bishops, it will be seen, attest the above charter, which proves that it cannot be earlier than Easter (April 15th), while the evidence below practically limits it to the Easter court at Winchester.

The first point to be observed is that these two bishops attest as such (not as 'elect') long before their consecration. As it is generally held that bishops never did so, this point is of importance (always assuming the accuracy of the evidence) for its bearing on other charters.^[2] Secondly, four of the witnesses—the two archbishops, the Bishop of St David's, and the Abbot of Glastonbury—are said by the continuator to have left for Rome after Alexander's appointment. From this charter it is clear that they did not leave till after Easter. The third point is that Earl Roger of Warwick had, at the date of this charter, succeeded his father, Henry.

Turning to Geoffrey the chancellor, we find in this charter perhaps his earliest appearance. Foss, in his useful work, is here a year out. He wrongly assigned the death of the preceding chancellor, Ranulf, to Christmas 1123, instead of Christmas 1122, and he assumed that our charter must be subsequent to Bishop Godfrey's consecration (August 26, 1123), and, in fact, that it belonged to 1124 (to which year he wrongly assigned the death of Bishop Theowulf). It is important for chronological purposes to date the change of chancellor correctly. I have already determined (p. 481) the date of Ranulf's accession to the post.

The correction of this date of Ranulf's death affects that of the foundation of Laund Priory, Leicestershire, which is assigned by Nichols and by the Editors of the Monasticon to 'about 1125'. As the foundation charter is addressed to William, Archbishop of Canterbury, and Alexander, Bishop of Lincoln, it must be subsequent to Alexander's promotion in the spring of 1123 (if not to his consecration on June 22nd). This is admitted by Foss, who accepts the charter without question. There is nothing in the document to excite suspicion, nor do I impugn it without reluctance. But the awkward fact remains that it is witnessed by Ranulf the chancellor, who died, as we have seen, at the beginning of 1123, and actually in the lifetime of Bishop Robert, Alexander's predecessor at Lincoln. There can be no question as to Ranulf's death, for the sequence of events is inexorable. Henry of Huntingdon tells us that (1) the king spent Christmas (1122) at Dunstable; that (2) he went thence to Berkhampstead, where Ranulf was accidentally killed; that (3) he then visited Woodstock, where Bishop Robert met with an equally sudden death; that (4) at the Purification (February 2, 1123) he gave the See of Canterbury to William of Corbeuil; that (5) he gave (at Winchester) the See of Lincoln to Alexander at Easter. It is singular that the members of the foundation had two strings to their bow, another charter of Henry I being adduced for Inspeximus. Its witnesses imply a later date, and their names do not involve any chronological difficulty.

We have in this Exeter charter one of the earliest attestations (according to my theory) of Robert as Earl of Gloucester. It should be noted that he takes at once precedence of all other earls, just as he had taken, before his elevation, precedence of all laymen under the rank of earl.

Of the barons most are familiar. Richard fitz Baldwin was the son and successor of the famous Baldwin of Exeter, and was, like him, sheriff of Devon (see p. 237). Baldwin de Redvers was the son of Richard de Redvers, and became subsequently first earl of Devon (the confusion of these two families, from the similarity of name, seems to be incorrigible).^[3] The lords of the great honours of Barnstaple and Totnes^[4] are followed by Robert of Bampton, who had succeeded to the Domesday fief of Walter de Douai, and who, as I have shown (English Historical Review, v. 746), was afterwards a rebel against Stephen. Goislin de Pomerey was the heir of Ralf de Pomerey, the Domesday baron; and Reginald (Rainaldus) de Vautort was a great under-tenant of the honour of Mortain. William fitz Richard I identify with that great Cornish magnate, whose daughter and heiress carried his fief to Reginald, afterwards Earl of Cornwall. Herbert de Alneto also was a Cornish baron, father of that Richard who, in 1130, paid £100 for his succession (Rot. Pip., 31 Henry I, p. 158). Specially interesting, however, is the name of William fitz Odo, in whom I detect not the William fitz Otho, of Essex and Middlesex (with whom he is confused in the Index to the 1130 Pipe-Roll), but the son of'Odo films Gamelin'; a Devonshire tenant-in-chief (D.B., i. 116b). I see him in that '—films Odonis', who is entered on the damaged Devonshire roll (Rot. Pip., 31 Henry I, p. 157) in connection with thirty-four shillings, which proves that he held a considerable estate. The fief of 'Odo films Gamelin' was assessed at 21 3/16 hides, representing in Devon large estates.^[5]

Footnotes

1. ↑ It will be observed that this list omits the Bishops of London and Winchester and the Earls of Huntingdon and Chester, but adds the Abbot of Cerne.
   
2. ↑ An excellent instance of this practice is found, ten years later, in the case of Bishop Nigel, who attested three charters in 1133, before the king's departure, as Bishop of Ely, though he was not consecrated till some months later. They are those found in Monasticon, vi. 1174, 1274, and that which granted the chamberlainship to Aubrey de Vere.
   
3. ↑ It has found its way, under 'Baldwin', into the Dictionary of National Biography.
   
4. ↑ The Guido de Totteneys of this charter seems to be identical with the Wido de Nunant of the charter granted by Henry II to this priory. This conjecture is confirmed by the entry in the Pipe-Roll of 31 Hen. I: 'Wido de Nunant reddit comp. de x. marcis pro concessione ferie de Totneis' (p. 154). There is a story quoted by Dugdale, under Totnes priory, from the records of the abbey of Angers, that Juhel 'of Totnes', the Domesday baron, was expelled by William Rufus, and his lands given to Roger de Nunant. I certainly find Roger de Nunant attesting in 1091 the foundation charter of Salisbury Cathedral in conjunction with William fitz Baldwin (see pp. 330, 472); and Manors belonging to Juhel in 1086 are found afterwards belonging to Valletort, Nunant's successor, as part of his honour of Totnes. But it would seem that Juhel retained part of his honour of Barnstaple, while the Nunants held the rest as the honour of Totnes. Indeed, he must have held both capita so late as 1113, when, say the monks of Laon, 'venimus ad castrum, quod dicitur Bannistaplum, ubi manebat quidam princeps nomine Joellus de Totenes', etc. {Hermannus, ii. 17), adding that they afterwards visited Totnes 'prsfati principis castrum' (ibid., 18).
   
5. ↑ Reprinted, with additions, from English Historical Review.